Sunday, October 31, 2010
Reflection on the Restoration of Sanity
Reflection: Rally to Restore Sanity
The Rally to Restore Sanity and/or Fear tied perfectly into the class discussion of national security. If we label all Muslims as terrorists, that just increases the number of people who hate the U.S. Basically, if we expand the circle of hate, only more hate will come back to bite us. Hate stems from fear; fear often stems from lack of rationality. Stewart represented sanity and Colbert symbolized fear. I think they did a great job of proving that the world doesn’t have to be such a scary place if we think things out more. When we put things in perspective, we have a lot more friends than enemies.
Stewart’s speech at the end of the rally had some really valid points. I especially liked the part about not being able to tell who the real racists and bigots are. We all like it or not have bias against people who aren’t like us. A rational person would recognize this and try not to act on the bias. The people who act based on irrational fears are the real racists and bigots. If we call people racists and bigots the instant they say something questionable, we take attention away from the racists and bigots who earned their titles.
Lets hope sanity spreads across the U.S. and the world.
Thursday, October 28, 2010
Security and Identity
Are there boundaries to security policy? This is a difficult question to answer, as almost anything that defines us as a state could, in some way, be interpreted to affect our security, beyond the weapons and manpower needed to defend ourselves from attack. The most distantly-connected aspects of our nation can have an impact on our ability to stay secure. Some are obvious, like, for example, the economic situation and our diplomatic ties: if we have enough money, we will be able to build proper weapons, if we have the right allies, they can help us. However, some are less directly connected, but just as important. For example, educational standards: if our population is well-educated, they can utilize their mental capabilities and knowledge to defend our country intelligently. And then there arises the issue of what makes a state more or less likely to be attacked, which is varied and could come in all shapes and forms. One could be direct and logical, and say that if we push green fuel, we will be less interested in foreign oil, and thus weaken the power of people in regions where America is not well-liked, therefore stopping a threat before it advances. Or one could be completely speculative and disconnected, and theorize that fighting global warming might improve America’s image in the world and stop a threat before even the motivation for the threat emerges. Even the craziest of ideas can, at least theoretically, be seen as possibly affecting a state’s security.
For example, take education. This one policy can affect our national security on many, many levels. On the most direct level, it can help fill and expand a workforce with a certain skill set, such as engineers who can design better weapons. On a slightly less direct level, it can create a large pool of extremely knowledgeable experts who can come up with better strategies and tactics for defending ourselves. On an indirect level, it can give a population the means with which to select better leaders, the information that lessens the threat of irrational, uncomprehending voter anger forcing the government’s hand on important issues of national security, and even could make people more knowledgeable about foreign countries, therefore lessening misunderstandings. And this is just one policy that could have a ripple effect of consequences that wind up profoundly affecting the security of the state. There really are no boundaries on what can be labelled as “security policy”.
Of course, this can lead into murky territory. It would help our security, of course, if we could meddle in other states’ affairs to the extent that we could make sure that they act internationally in a way that would strengthen our own security, help us out with all domestic issues that would make us stronger, and not do anything to help or incite our enemies. This of course, does not mean we should do this, because while it helps our own security, it may not do the same for that of other states. This is the murky part, because just like our national identity can affect our level of security, our approach to security can affect our national identity. For example, taking over as many countries as we can in order to control them and use them against our enemies is something most Americans would object to. Since in our definition of the concept, sovereignty rests with the people, we would only be defined as “the United States of America” as long as we had a say in how we as a state acted. However, if we all decided that controlling other states was a good idea, we would be blatantly violating our professed ideal of self governance, and would therefore render our national identity false. Our state would no longer be “the United States of America” as defined before we started controlling other states. On a similar note, it would help security if the government could arrest anyone they wished to, at any time. However, we as a country define ourselves by our commitment to liberty and our affording of natural rights, such as habeus corpus, to our citizens. Therefore, we would cease to be defending American ideals the moment we gave them up, and since our ideals define us, we would cease to be Americans. We would probably still be called “Americans”, but the definition of an American that runs deeper than the name would be lost.
I believe that things should stop being defined as “security” the moment they stop protecting a state, and proceed to destroy it. If we cease to become America, we are no longer protecting America, we have only a defensive shield left, and whatever we are defending would no longer resemble America, but would be something entirely different. This is a dangerously tempting path to take when our security is threatened. After all, it is very difficult for an enemy to harm something if it is destroyed before they reach it.
Keeping Security in Check with Our Interests
Since the beginning/initial escalation of the Cold War in the 1950s, there's been a larger effort on the part of the US government to become involved in international conflicts. Through Korea, Vietnam, and now Iraq and Afghanistan, with smaller yet significant conflicts arising in-between, the United States has justifiably affirmed its role as the global hegemony through a policy of internationalism and nation-building, in case anyone was doubting the power of the US.
We were discussing in our group on Tuesday about the differences between the underlying themes of the 1950 NSC 68 document and the 2010 National Security Strategy. Both were similar in the calling for necessary cooperation with our targeted enemy, whether it be through diplomatic negotiations/economic policy or through military actions. However, the diplomatic channels between these two enemies were more open in the Cold War than today. The relations between the US and the USSR eventually cooled with the introduction of detente policies beginning in the Nixon administration. However, it's different in modern terms, because one remembers the confrontation in the UN during the Cuban Missile Crisis between Adlai Stevenson and Ambassador Zorin. But how can we confront an enemy that is not a state, or does not have recognition of international organizations?
The United States, since it has realized its global importance in the last century or so, has employed questionable tactics in the name of national security. In the Cold War, Americans who even questioned the idea of social or income inequality were persecuted by the American public, as propaganda and fear against the Soviet Union provided the federal government with the mandate to imprison political dissenters. Nowadays, the Patriot Act, along with other "security" initiatives that were a reaction to the 9/11 attacks, have provided the federal government with the authority to listen in on phone conversations, with other unprecedented measures for the sake of national security. Think about it: if the Cold War were still going on, and we heard on the news that the USSR was wire-tapping on its citizens in order to "protect" its security, we would have laughed and said "Oh those silly Reds, when will they learn?" The United States, in my opinion, doesn't need to wiretap on its citizens in order to protect itself from internal or external threats. Torture is also a practice which the United States has ostensibly used in the past (and perhaps the present). While I understand that our enemies are using similar practices, the United States should not stoop to the level of its enemies. We're the global hegemon; we should take the high road whenever the opportunity arises, and maybe we'll pass our problems along the way.
With great power, comes great responsibility.
Monday, October 25, 2010
Risk - at the end
Briefly, before deciding to join forces, the blue team briefly considered turning on the yellow team for gain, only to realize that the better, safer, and shorter strategy was to collaborate. Likewise, when yellow, blue, and black all decided to gang up on green in response to their unhelpfully realist actions, they were easily surrounded by troops of three different teams, all of whom were mutually committed to their destruction, and therefore eliminated them very quickly and easily. And everyone was glad for the earlier defeat of team Red as well, giving the game the same satisfaction of victory while still keeping the, well, risk of the game low by cooperating. By the end of the night, the teams trusted each other so much that, for the sake of troop movement logistics, blue had no concerns over letting black temporarily declare war on them, trusting that they would not be attacked.
The game showed that when individual goals could be attained without threatening each other, there is little reason not to work together. Too much suspicion raises the risk of attack, makes people less likely to act boldly, and more likely to disregard the concerns of other teams, losing an important bargaining chip in the process. However, out of everything that this class has done throughout the entire course of this game, the thing that I would say way most true to what I would imagine real International Relations to be like came in the form of a throwaway remark at 11:30, near the end of the game: “everyone wants to go to bed.” In real life, states want to achieve their goals and come to a solution as soon as possible, and whether it’s a game being dragged on a full class and a late-night meeting past the deadline, or a war lasting a year and a half longer that expected, the more the parties want to just get it over with, the more sure they are that the other parties share their goals, and the more risks they are willing to take to secure a solution.
Reflection: Risk, how would you conquer the world?
Maybe I’m looking too much into it, but I think I saw glimpses of sadism when Green was about to be wiped off the map. Players in the Green team, who were obviously hurt by the betrayal, asked for mercy in a situation where it couldn’t do anything. I have no idea if the 3 teams could have won with Green on the map, but no mercy was shown. Because we all knew each other, betrayals feel more personal even in a game. Now I would be lying if I said I didn’t enjoy the wipe out of Red. The joy we get when exercising power is just in human nature.
The game reinforced the idea that liberalism works in a weird way. The teams who negotiated least with the rest were the ones who got wiped out. Even though countries don’t get wiped out for not talking in the real world, the ones who make the most ties clearly do better economically. Black who was the hegemon managed to negotiate with teams to ally with it. Red built up armies around China, which triggered an alert on the other teams to deal with it. Yellow got a pass for their massive army in the Middle East by the good work of their diplomat. Blue made an error early in the game, but laid low for a while and built alliances. Green spread themselves out in order to it’s achieve its goal, making them an easy picking for a 3 v 1. The teams who were off doing their own thing fell, and those who negotiated succeeded. Overall this was a very interesting game.
Reflection: The Risk paid off, but we could have beaten you "Black and Blue"
It was interesting to see the complete and utter revitalization of Team Blue as the game went on. We had basically left them for dead, as they had given up their town center, and the board was full of wars. As Red was eliminated, however, the strategy of Blue had begun to change. It was very interesting to see the Blue team move from a liberalist/constructivist mindset of getting countries to sign on to potentially costly international agreements at the diplomatic table to a realist/liberalist perspective once their interests were up against the wall. This could potentially predict problems in the real world -- if a country is backed into a corner, would you really expect it to continue the damaging practices that got them into their mess in the first place (this is not a knock against liberalism)? A country with its interests threatened can be expected to turn to a more realist mindset, and this could prove valuable in future Risk games, both imaginary and real.
However, Green seemed to show the consequences of quickly pivoting from a liberal mindset to a realist one. Green attempted to defend itself against a quickly converging enemy, and being too reactionary to such preliminary steps seemed to be their downfall, as we took them out rather quickly.
Sunday, October 24, 2010
Reflection on the End of the Game
Thursday, October 21, 2010
One runs the "Risk" of doing this blog post
Who has two thumbs and doesn't give a crap? |
Wednesday, October 20, 2010
Risk and the Real World
I think that while diplomatic Risk ignores a great many aspects of the real world, such as economic relations, nuances in alliances, and the internal actions of a state that may change its goals, the ones it does address are often quite like international relations in the real world. In diplomatic risk, every team has a specific agenda, a specific relationship with each of the other teams, a set of abilities, resources, and armies, and uses all of these in order to achieve their goals. Every action a team takes is in the interest of these goals ultimately. Sometimes the connection between an action and a goal is rather indirect -- for example, one team may do something that will help an ally because said ally is a stronger enemy of the team that is at war with the first team. However, in the world of Risk and the rules that apply in that world, the only reason for a team to act is to achieve a goal. This might seem a little out of sync with the way real world IR happens, but in the short run, this is a reality for many states. Sometimes, the only way for a state to survive is to achieve a very specific goal, such as the ones given to the Risk players.
For example, a state may be hell-bent for getting access to a certain resource in another state, because the first state has run out and completely depends on that resource to sustain their economy. Or a state may have decided that the only way to survive is to have control of territory on the border of an enemy state. Or a state may have a policy of opposing anyone who fulfills a certain criteria, like the US in the war on terrorism. We only see part of the picture in a Risk game, but the bottom line is very similar to real life.
IR theory also came up in diplomatic risk. There was obvious realism, as every state’s first priority was to achieve their goal by any means. There was also liberalism in the diplomatic part of the game, where the different state diplomats allied with one another for mutual benefit, or when various members of the state leadership held conferences with members of other teams on the costs and benefits of a particular action, so that they would help each other to both get individual benefit. Constructivism showed up as well -- instead of every team just trying to conquer the world, each team had a described identity that included, but was not limited to, a goal. They also all had a unique set of special powers. I think that the liberal influence on the game was the most obvious, at least in this version of Risk, as each state found that working together was very beneficial to getting things moving in their preferred direction.
Risk applied to the real world
Unlike actual world politics, the only way a nation can acquire more resources is to take it away from another nation. In actuality, this would be a very bad move, when there are plenty of ways to increase economic strength without incurring the wrath of other countries. The game is made for alliances to form and to break, because there can only be one winner. Risk forces conflict, when in world politics conflict is the last thing a nation wants. Alliances and war status do not change so rapidly in the real world. During the course of the game, alliances and declaration of war between teams have been occurring so fast that they have become essentially meaningless. Green could be allied with Black one turn, and then 2 turns later could be at full-blown war with them. Because such instability would be unfavorable to countries in the real world, modern alliances tend to be more permanent, or at least long lasting.
Diplomatic Risk and the Real World of Politics
Tuesday, October 19, 2010
Update
Who?
DUUUUUUKKKKKAAAAAAKKKKKKIIIIIISSSSSSSSS!!!!!!!!!!!!!
That is all.
Monday, October 18, 2010
Reflection 8 - IR and Opera
I have never played Risk before, although I knew the basic rules, so I can’t really comment on whether diplomatic risk is more interesting or less interesting the regular kind. However, our class on Tuesday was really interesting. I particularly enjoyed the division of responsibilities that came with playing the game as a team. I thought it felt as though we (our team) was all really working together to maximize our gains. The rules regarding the diplomatic side of the game made the game feel almost realistic with regards to what we have learned about world politics so far. The changing nature of the relationships between the teams made things very confusing but fun, as over the course of one short period, we became more and less resentful of other teams, such as the black hegemon, and the teams we had been at war with but later made peace with, even though it was supposed to be just a game.The secrecy between the teams also made the game very interesting, although also complicated, because it was hard to remember what all the other teams were doing whenever we transferred information from the head of state to the diplomat and vice versa. I suppose that’s a bit like how it happens in real life, though. One thing that really made the game fun was, I think, the fact that it was a game, and while some teams, at some times, were trying to screw over all the other teams in a very realist way, working together for a more mutual outcome was also imposed on us by the rules to make it different from regular Risk and make our interactions more complex.
The opera was a really great way to restart our wednesday labs. I have wanted to go to the Kennedy Center for a long time, and was very exited to finally get to see it and attend a performance there. I had never seen an opera before, and although I thought it was a good performance, I found it to be pretty boring. I fell asleep briefly during Salome’s love song to the head, because of all the repetition. I enjoyed the music more than the stage part, being a musician myself.
Reflection: Risky Business
Sunday, October 17, 2010
Reflection on Risk
Reflection: Risk!
Observing each team’s moves, I noticed that teams knew better than to randomly attack others. In the entire class time there was only one attack. The phrase “War is costly.” must have really been ingrained in peoples’ minds. It was tough to decipher each team’s goals. I was immediately suspicious of the hegemon when they suggested peace with everyone. Because they gain the most troops each turn, it is to their advantage for the game to take longer without anything happening. Many of the team diplomats suggested peace, which made it quite confusing as to which team would actually win by peace. I’m really curious as to what goal ends up as the winner’s goal. Is it going to be global domination, peace, or something entirely different?
Monday, October 11, 2010
Reflection: Auto Workers Simulation
While I missed the class discussions and subject matter last week, the project on the auto industry was an interesting change of pace. It was current, addressing an issue that is of concern in America today, whereas our usual discussions are theoretical and many of the examples we use are historical. Dealing with specific facts and hard evidence -- that is, dealing with how the world is currently working, rather than how it ought to work or how it tends to work in the long run, was very different from the theory and hypotheticals of the different schools of IR was a major shift in the style of our class.
The simulations themselves were an interesting experience. While we had fun making our video, we had to also spend a great deal of time looking up not just information and statistics on the subject of the automotive industry and outsourcing, but information and statistics that explicitly supported our group’s (the UAW’s) stance in order to make an argument, whether we agreed with it or not, and discredit the arguments of the other groups, even if we personally agreed with them. I think that all the groups’ arguments were both compelling and narrowly tailored to the group’s interest. All of them had solid, convincing evidence, and all of them had inflated, one-sided assumptions. This seemed very natural to me. In the real world, interests often are in directly-opposed conflict with each other, with both sides giving perfectly valid arguments and both sides being biased by their viewpoints. I got the feeling that while in real life, interests groups are probably a lot slicker and heavily invested than we were, debates between interest groups and the government probably have substantial similarities to our presentations.
However, despite the highly practical, contemporary, and facts-based nature of the debate, I also noticed a thread of the liberalism/realism debate coming through in some of the different groups. The UAW argued that the US would suffer economically if they had a trade imbalance with their partners, pointing to the realist argument that relative gains are important, not just absolute gains. They also were in favor of protecting American jobs first and foremost. The AIAM on the other hand, were highly liberal, arguing that free trade between nations would give rise to a higher-quality auto industry that would benefit all consumers around the world. Constructivism also cropped up in the debate, with the Sierra Club arguing that the U.S.’s identity as a economic power with high environmental standards, as opposed to China’s identity as a massively industrial state with very low environmental standards made it reasonable to assume that the two states would act as their identities predicted, with the U.S. producing less waste and China producing a great deal.
Reflection: Simulation, Auto Workers
Outsourcing is an inevitable part of globalization. The auto workers have had plenty of time to see that the auto industry is shrinking, so it is not like the government is suddenly setting them off on their own. Not to sound mean, but they already saw a form of “outsourcing” when machines advanced and took positions that once were held by humans. Now I know it is a lot tougher to be in the position of an autoworker or to have a family member who is one. It’s difficult to go back to school or have the time to learn new skills when one is working. However, one must learn that technology and globalization has significantly increased the pace in which new jobs are created and destroyed. It’s tough for the auto workers, but they must learn to acquire the skills needed to keep up in today’s global market.
Sunday, October 10, 2010
Reflection on Cars and IR Theory
Reflection: Simulations and more
I think that all the groups did a great job in presenting their arguments clearly. As I saw in their videos and presentations, I feel that their was a clear reflection in these seemingly simple presentations to the complex world of IR theory. It seemed that our group (GM), along with the consumer group seemed to represent the liberalism school, as we supported an international approach to trade, opening up previous barriers; the UAW and to a lesser extent the foreign auto manufacturers represented realism, as they felt that there needs to be a greater effort on the part of the US to balance the rising economic power of rapidly developing nations like China, while the Sierra Club represented constructivism, as they would generally feel that there should be a greater influence of international organizations to protect the perspective of trade practices, and thus protect the environment, using a non-governmental approach to deal with this issue, but having nations enter into a social contract like the Kyoto Protocol, etc. It just was very interesting to see how clear the ideas of international relations are exhibited in such a minor college project.
I feel, however that our "president" did not see our side of the argument within the same scope we had hoped he would. The president felt that our side of the argument, reducing or eliminating the tariff, didn't do enough to convince him that our side would be incontrovertibly beneficial to the American economy. While I feel that we made a convincing and persuasive argument, I'd just like to say that it's important to note that it would cost more money to keep increasingly antiquated jobs than to let structural unemployment take its course and have American workers find new jobs in areas where America has a comparative advantage in trade. It's not worth paying 225,000 dollars for every job saved when these workers are making significantly less than that. We probably should have brought that up, especially as a rebuttal to the captivating video of the UAW group (I certainly regret being in that video :P).
Also, since when is Italy a third-world country?
Tuesday, October 5, 2010
Reflection: Marginalized to Oblivion
Monday, October 4, 2010
Reflection Week 6: And Now for Something Completely Different...
This week seemed strangely empty without a trip into D.C., which usually breaks up the monotonous classwork nicely. However, Dr. Peter Howard’s presentation was one of the more interesting and enjoyable presentations we have had for our Wednesday labs. Even more than Mr. Bame, Dr. Howard really gave us a picture of what it must be like to work in the State Department, especially for someone who used to be a professor, integrating broad sweeping ideas and mindsets and the minutiae of an office job. Dr. Howard’s (qualified) remark that IR theories had “nothing” to do with his job was actually rather interesting to think about after his presentation. The very fact that the IR theories are studied in real life proves that whatever government officials do on a daily basis, some higher-level theoretical knowledge must play an important role in their work. Yet their work is not primarily concerned with molding the global political society to work according to a theory, but to simply solve whatever urgent dilemma the world has to deal with. This served as a reminder to me that IR theories are not completely hypothetical. They must, at least in broad terms, describe the mundane workings of the world. However, Dr. Howard’s presentation also reminded me that the government of the US, and all states, is not some undefined self-aware entity but is made up of the interaction between actual human beings with thoughts and consciousness. The more I think about actual people like Dr Howard -- even if they are less personable than he -- working to accomplish the kinds of actions that he described, the more unrealistically rigid many conceptions of the state laid out in the various IR theories, especially the mindless, pre-programmed realism, seem to be.
This leads into the second part of my reflection nicely. After studying and nitpicking over the different IR theories for almost a month and a half, switching gears to start questioning the universality of everything we have learned is rather difficult for me to wrap my mind around at first. During discussion, I kept falling back into mentally trying to apply IR theory to solve an issue raised by a classmate, only to realize they didn’t apply in this situation, at least, not clearly enough for a student like myself to see. It feels to me as though each step of this class is opening my mind a little wider than before, letting me integrate my new knowledge with older knowledge before adding yet another perspective to the mix. I had been subconsciously starting to see world politics as a simple clash of different perspectives, but this new advancement reminds me that it is much more complex and far-reaching than that.
Sunday, October 3, 2010
Reflection on the Importance of Language
Saturday, October 2, 2010
Reflection: Marginalization and U.S. Foreign Policy
The discussion we had about marginalization was very interesting. Throughout it I got the impression that many think being marginalized is always a bad thing. However, I think it is important that some people choose to be “marginalized.” Relating somewhat to the uninformed vs. not voting topic, it can be said that many people don’t vote simply because they don’t care. Those who don’t vote are marginalized because their voices weren’t heard, yet many of them chose to not vote. Everyone has an opinion. If all of us wanted to let the government know what we thought, massive traffic jams in D.C. the likes of which would make Beijing’s recent traffic jam look smooth would be the least of the capitol’s problems. There would be so many protests on all the issues you can think of that people would just stop caring about what each was doing. Because people are marginalized, the voices of the few are heard and change happens.
I chuckled in my mind when Dr. Peter Howard said that the IR theories are not really used in the Department’s day to day tasks. However, I did wander if as an official of the U.S. government that he wanted to keep U.S. intentions masked. Had he said that they mainly use realism, I would get the image of the U.S. not being benevolent and trying to assert power over the world as an imperialistic state. Had he said the U.S. uses liberalism, I would think the U.S. is out “saving the world” just for its economic benefit. I think it’s simpler to think the U.S. as a person as with all countries. People are naturally selfish and will look out for their own well-being before others. The U.S. asserts dominance both militarily and economically to hold onto its power. This is just like how most people would not want to be demoted in a job and make less money. The U.S. is like a C.E.O. who is facing competition from younger workers who are eyeing the top spot.